Except for the Solomon Islands, where a coup d’état lasted only a few weeks, Fiji is the only Pacific island state to have experienced military coup d’etat and, despite unanimous condemnation by the international community, the head of the army, Commodore Frank Bainimarama, has ruled the country since December 2006. Paradoxically, while postponing elections until 2014 he is nevertheless the first leader to have genuinely sought to ensure the equality of all Fijian citizens.
In April, the EU Council decided for the fourth time to extend the restrictive measures introduced in 2007 – under the terms of the Cotonou Agreement - following the military coup d’etat of December 2006. This extension applies for a further period of six months, and in September 2011 the EU Member States will have to decide whether or not to grant the Fijian sugar industry subsidies and financing once more under the current 10th European Development Fund.
Placing current developments in context, some observers stress the particular situation of the Fiji islands, such as French researcher Hélène Goiran, an expert on military history. She stresses the profoundly military culture of Fijian society, how the country was able to adapt skilfully to the reality of colonialism, to subsequently prepare for independence and put a strong army into place. Recognised for their brilliant contribution to multinational peacekeeping missions, in which about 3,500 Fijians participate, Fijian soldiers have also surprised the international community by carrying out putsches in their own country. She explains how we tend to forget the long-standing political role of the military in Fiji and how military commitment is an instrument of political power, both for individuals who pursue a military career and for the government that deploys thousands of troops in missions overseas.
Monopoly
The army, continues the researcher, was almost entirely Melanesian (indigenous Fijians) in the 1990s, as were the majority of the police. Many tribal leaders had received military training. While among the Indo-Fijian population – descendants of the Indians imported to work on the farms by the British between 1879 and 1916 – this was rare. Hélène Goiran stresses that the Melanesians thus held the monopoly of legal force. It was these same military forces who staged a coup in 1987. Despite the international pressure they remained in power for 19 years. In 1999 the Labour Party won the elections and its leader, an Indo-Fijian, headed a multiracial coalition government. But it proved short-lived as a year later, in 2000, the military attempted another coup d’état led by George Speight. One that was countered by one of their own number, Commodore Bainamarama.
At the time, in 2000, the Commodore was seen as a defender of democracy and Fiji’s institutions in the face of Melanesian nationalist actions and he installed a civilian government headed by Laisenia Qarase. After Qarase failed to keep his promises of liberalisation, the Commodore decided to launch what was the fourth coup d’etat. His aim was to ensure that all Fijians would have the same rights and obligations irrespective of their origins. Today, despite starting on real reform, the Commodore is struggling to create generally democratic structures.
Marie-Martine Buckens