Democratic Republic of the Congo: a demand for sovereignty

On the eve of the 50th anniversary of its independence, which will be celebrated in Kinshasa on 30 June 2010 in the presence of King Albert II of Belgium, the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) is experiencing a unique moment in its history with the reconstruction of its infrastructure and the reordering of a state so often presented as bankrupt. The authorities, whose mandate comes from the 2006 elections won by President Kabila with 58 per cent of the votes, are feeling the pressure of time: 30 June 2010 will be a time of celebration but also a time for introspection and review while the next elections, set to take place in 2011, are already determining the political agenda.

Countering the scepticism of the International Crisis Group, which in April denounced the stalemate regarding the democratic project, the National Assembly has launched the next Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC). Its office is to be limited to seven members, all from political parties, to the great displeasure of civil society which will not be represented. The INEC will have the task of organising the 2011 presidential and parliamentary elections, and the local elections, which should have already taken place, having been postponed yet again. When the celebrations come to an end on 30 June, the election race will begin, with a notable absentee: Jean-Pierre Bemba, still held in The Hague by the International Criminal Court. The leader of the Movement for the Liberation of Congo, a rebel movement which became a political party, vice-president from 2002 to 2006, a challenger to Kabila with 42 per cent of the votes in the second round, Jean-Pierre Bemba is still regarded by his followers as the natural leader of the opposition and his absence will weigh heavily on the elections.

If the reconstruction work is to continue, it is a safe bet that the current authorities will be given credit for managing to mobilise the necessary capital. However, past contracts with Chinese state companies had to be revised and reduced; loans provided by China in order to revive the mining sector and for large infrastructure projects originally amounted to US$9bn, but pressure from the International Monetary Fund, who feared the country becoming indebted again, forced the Congolese to renounce US$3bn. This is a sacrifice which could be offset by new partners: South Korea, which has pledged to build the Banana deep-water port, Turkey and Brazil. For its part, the European Union has just provided a major donation: €337M to be allocated to infrastructure, the health sector and improving river navigation.

Chinese contracts

In addition, the economic situation is improving: benefiting from the doubling of the prices of raw materials, the government has for the first time set aside surplus funds, limited inflation to 14 per cent, stabilised the exchange rate of the Congolese Franc at 900 FC to one dollar and the Finance Minister, Matanda Ponyo is certain that this year the DRC will achieve the long-awaited, almost mythical ‘completion point’ of the HIPC (Heavily Indebted Poor Countries), enabling the country to cancel US$10bn off the total of its foreign debt, estimated at US$13.1bn. There is, however, one disappointment: while the authorities had hoped that the writing off would occur before 30 June, as a kind of ‘birthday gift’, the IMF has postponed the review of the Congolese case until July. The experts will once again investigate the now famous ‘Chinese contracts’.

Writing off the debt would, nevertheless, revive the ‘social front’ which continues to lag behind such as increasing wages in the public sector and finally establishing free education.

On the eve of the 50th anniversary of independence, it appears that, in several areas, the Congolese authorities intend to restore state authority and reduce what they perceive as the trusteeship of the international community. This demand for sovereignty explains the desire to see the United Nations Mission in DR Congo (MONUC), which has been present in this country for ten years, bring its work to a close in November 2011. In fact, Kinshasa hopes that in 2010, the MONUC forces will refocus on the eastern side of the country. The most recent events which have occurred in the province of Equateur show that this may be a risky gamble: in fact, over the Easter weekend, the rebels, meaning the Enyele, a tribal movement, attacked Mbandaka, the capital of Equateur, and the operations to regain the city were conducted by the Congolese armed forces with the support of a MONUC contingent. It later emerged that the rebels, armed and equipped with sophisticated communications devices, were not just fishermen fighting to recover their ponds, but part of a structured movement receiving support in neighbouring countries.

Insecurity

Other regions also remain plagued by insecurity: the formidable Ugandan rebels of the LRA (Lords Resistance Army) are still rampant in the Uele district, where they commit atrocities against civilians (kidnapping of hundreds of villagers, maiming, sexual violence ...), and these groups have not yet been eradicated despite the efforts of the Congolese army and the military training that is now provided in Kisangani by American instructors.

In addition, the war in Kivu is far from over: the military operations carried out against Rwandan rebels by the FDLR (Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda) have allowed the repatriation of more than 20,000 Hutus, but armed groups still control certain mining sectors and take revenge on civilians while the former Tutsi rebels of Laurent Nkunda (who is still under house arrest in Rwanda) are generally integrated into the national army but still control their former strongholds.

The Congolese authorities believe that the national army, which is in the process of restructuring, will be able, within a year, to take over from the 20,000 MONUC peacekeepers, but the international community could decide otherwise...

Colette Braeckman